PAS
A New Face For The Chinese
Islamic PAS prepares a challenge to topple UMNO. Verdict - less likely compared to pre 9/11 prospect.
Oct 31, 2000

The extremist Islamic Party, PAS, which polled more than 50 per cent of the Malay votes in the last election, plans to win Kedah and Perlis in 2004-05 to add to Kelantan and Trengganu that it already controls - and eventually to beat UMNO and govern Malaysia in the distant future. It is patient.

This will have a tremendous impact on Singapore, yet few non-Muslim Singaporeans know much about the party.

The following notes were taken five years ago of an evening in Kuala Lumpur where I witnessed the Islamic fundamentalists attempt to win Chinese hearts and minds.

To do that it has to win over the Chinese, who make up 26 per cent of Malaysia's 23 million population, and Indians (8 per cent), a virtually impossible task. But it is trying - very hard. Every time an election takes place, PAS puts on a different face to show the Chinese that it is not so bad. And the 1995 poll was no exception.

Kuala Lumpur - The smell of the general election is in the air. It is time for PAS to project its moderate, softer image to the Chinese. It is doing so tonight with political ingenuity that belies its reputation for its strict religious fervour.

I am sitting in a hall among 4,000 people, 10 per cent Chinese (mostly DAP or Democratic Action Party supporters), at the Chinese Assembly Hall reporting a "dialogue session" PAS holds with other races and religious representatives to discuss the country's social ills.

Pas is, of course, the second largest political party in Malaysia but few Singaporeans knows much about it. They should because it is a growing part of the large equation in Malaysia. How it fares from now on will have an impact on the lives of Singaporeans for a long time to come.

After capturing Malay-dominated Kelantan and Trengganu, the extremist party has a political objective for the next five years - to win over Kedah (with roughly 30% Chinese voters) and smallish Perlis from Dr Mahathir's ruling alliance. And observers say they have a fair chance of succeeding.

As far back as 1986, PAS had organised a Chinese Consultative Committee (led by Chinese Muslims in Kelantan) to court the Chinese voters but had minimal success. Kelantan is one of Malaysia's poorest states, only 3% are Chinese, most of them farmers and small shopkeepers.

Among the speakers were a Buddhist monk, a Chinese sociologist and a Christian reverent who spoke in Malay, Mandarin and English. Translators had a busy night.

Keynote speaker was the party's popular chief minister of Kelantan, Haji Nik Abdul Aziz. Problems of corruption, juvenile delinquency, drugs and crime were featured.

The idea was simple. Although the subject was social, the dialogue had a strong political message aimed at projecting three images.

Firstly, to claim a higher moral ground than UMNO by embarassing it over a series of recent investigations into high-level corruption, money politics and sex scandals.

Secondly, to convince Malaysians that despite growing prosperity, Malaysia was threatened by a moral decline, which only a religion-based party could handle - not secular UMNO.

And thirdly, to tell the world that it can work with other races and other religions. It wanted to convince the non-Malays that it could govern a multi-racial Malaysia. "When elections come, PAS suddenly becomes a very moderate party," said an UMNO leader.

More than 4,000 people came, occupying every seat, spilling to an outside lobby. Long mats were brought in to allow late-comers to seat. Less than 10% were Chinese, including some women who sat upstairs, segregated from the men.

Before the dialogue began, the crowds mingled around several tables outside, which sold tapes and books containing political speeches and Friday sermons by PAS leaders.

When his turn to speak came, Nik Aziz, a bearded, diminished religious teacher with a simple lifestyle that is respected by his people, went straight to the point.

It was translated into Mandarin by a Chinese. He said that Malaysia was facing a great threat. Its youths, thrown into a modern world without proper guidance, were facing moral decline.

Much of it was caused by sources of temptation uncontrolled or ignored by the government. "Yet when we banned billiard rooms, video parlours, alcohol and gambling - activities which promote unwholesome activities of the young - we were criticised by the central government."

He mentioned the case of former Malacca Chief Minister Tan Sri Rahim Tamby Chik (then under investigation for corruption) who was charged for raping a 15-year-old girl but the charge was dropped for "lack of evidence."

Beside me sat a former PAS treasurer, a lawyer who was surprised that a Chinese language newspaper, Lianhe Zaobao, that I was writing for, was interested in the function. He patiently helped to interpret for me. I must say these PAS fellows are very polite, helpful people.

On my left sat a teenager, around 17 or 18, one of the few young people who were there. Most were elderly adults. He was a polite, good-looking boy who applauded enthusiastically or nodded his head approvingly whenever speakers said something he liked.

Then it was the turn of a saffron-robed Buddhist monk, who talked mostly about the danger of an impending aids epidemic. He said he had just returned from Chiangmai, Thailand, where 12 people were dying of it in the city every day. Nationwide, the daily death toll was 100 and a similar fate awaited Malaysia, unless something was done, he added.

All the religions should work together to combat this threat, he said. There was loud applause, especially from the young man sitting next to me.

The Christian priest was an Indian, who had just returned from a three-year stay in Britain, where he lamented only 3 per cent of the people attended church on Sundays." A loud murmur of surprise rose from the audience on hearing this.

He said he was glad, upon his return, to see the mosques, temples and churches were full. He had these words of advice for the PAS members:

"Intermingle with the others. Don't avoid them just because they don't understand you. Explain to them why your women wear veils, all covered up, so that others will not be afraid of you".

Loud applause. The young man nodded strenuously.

Questions were also directed at the speakers. To the Buddhist monk, someone asked what were the Buddhists doing to stop the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA), UMNO's Chinese partner, from attacking PAS. He gave a neutral reply.

Another questioner wanted to know how the other religions could help the Muslims achieve hudud laws? (PAS plans to introduce these Islamic laws, which prescribe stoning, whipping and amputation for various offences ranging from adultery, theft, drinking to renouncing Islam).

Unsurprisingly, the guests avoided giving a clear answer.

Haji Nik Aziz, his hand holding his head to indicate a headache, answered very diplomatically: "Every religion must solve its own problems before imposing on another religion. It was a realistic stance. PAS could not depend on the other religions to support the hudud laws.

From the meeting, I form these impressions:

· Its poverty, simple village lifestyle gives it an edge over UMNO's showy wealth (bicycles versus Mercedes), not a helpful comparison at a time when the country is hitting out at corruption and cronyism.Of late PAS has attracted more better-educated professionals and people fed up with the treatment accorded to former Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim.

· Another strength is that its supporters seem more committed to volunteer their labour to the cause than UMNO's, many of whom who worked for money or perks.

It's two major weaknesses:

++ A look at the crowd convinces me that the vast majority of supporters are either in their 40s or older. No more than one in seven is younger than 30, even fewer teens.

·++ Most of them are rural or simple lower-educated folk, with only a smattering of managers, computer engineers, lawyers or doctors, not the best prospect for a knowledge era.

Its strength is negligible in the south and west of Malaysia mainland (virtually zero in Sabah and Sarawak). If it continues to make headway in the north and northeast, will it one day lead to a split Malaysia, with PAS controlling the top half and UMNO, the lower part?

++ From the turnout, it was obvious the Chinese have not been responding. Those who were present were mostly supporters of its DAP election ally. As DAP makes up 28% of the voters, they will contribute to PAS' long-term ambition.

Seah Chiang Nee