Singapore-Indonesia
Between love and hatred
When US, Malaysia talk of Jemmah Islamiah in Indonesia plotting violence, nothing happens but when Singapore says it, Jakarta gets mad, why? One Indonesian view.
Jul 19, 2002

Jakarta - How does one deal with a giant but poor neighbour who continues to whine about your arrogance and carelessness and that you have become rich from their sweat?

Do you just let them express frustration, or do you try to learn some of the possible truths behind their claim and improve your attitude?

The first day of a three-day seminar on Indonesia and Singapore relations last Friday, organised by the Centre for International and Strategic Studies (CSIS), initially looked like a routine warm exchange between friends.

CSIS executive director Hadi Soesastro moderated the first session. CSIS's Board of Trustees member Jusuf Wanandi, and Tempo's weekly magazine chief editor Bambang Harymurti addressed the forum from the Indonesian side.

Bambang mentioned Singapore's fear as a small country surrounded by the "Taliban".

Singapore was represented by legislative member Irene Ng, who, among others, raised the issue of terrorism, and Singapore Institute of International Affairs (SIIA) chairman Simon Tay.

Their presentations echoed Singapore's sweet memory of former president Soeharto, particularly his key role in providing security and political stability in the region.

With Indonesia's leadership, Singapore and the region rapidly grew during the era.

The session quickly came alive during the question and answer forum, in which Indonesians included Lt. Gen. (ret.) Hasnan Habib, former minister of foreign affairs Ali Alatas, professor of international maritime law Hasyim Djalal and international affairs observer Abdillah Toha.

Their litany of complaints included the behaviour of sharp-tongued Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew, Singapore's poor understanding of Islam, and its reluctance to sign an extradition treaty with Indonesia because Singapore "greatly benefits" from hiding problematic Indonesian conglomerates, such as Syamsul Nursalim, in the city state.

People may forget that a number of these problematic conglomerates who once moved to Singapore had then returned to Indonesia, like Prajogo Pangestu and Syamsul, but they remain untouched by Indonesian law enforcers.

There was also a demand for Singapore's side to prove its allegations over Muslim terrorist links in Indonesia.

Singapore has also been accused of hiding statistics of trading activities between the two countries. Other grievances include Singapore's involvement in sand mining in Riau, and its sea reclamation.

The country was blamed for its ignorance over the maritime boundary problem with Indonesia in its reclamation projects.

Singapore's side realised that they were facing a resentful giant neighbour who had little chance of exposing the faults of its small, but much more prosperous friends.

Singapore's participants, including former ambassador to Indonesia Barry Desker, tried to calmly reduce the tension and assure them of the country's sincere stance toward Indonesia, including the issue of extradition and statistics.

A young lawyer from Singapore failed to get attention with his remark about poor law enforcement here.

Deputy Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong indicated to The Jakarta Post in 1998 that his government's decision against publishing Singapore's statistics on bilateral trade with the sprawling country was more because of Indonesia's own request. He did not explain any further.

Traditionally, Singapore is a major source of import smuggling to Indonesia, which allegedly involves many parties in Indonesia, from greedy traders to the military.

Singapore's own interests

Singapore is an easy target to be scolded and scapegoated by Indonesia. But Indonesia cannot impose its will because business-oriented Singapore has its own national interests, which might be perceived as going against Indonesia's national concerns.

We are facing a sovereign country. How would mutual interests be achieved without sacrificing our national agendas?

With a population of only four million, the 683-square kilometer city state is exactly like a red dot, in the words of former president B.J. Habibie, compared to Indonesia.

However, while incomparable in size, it is also incomparable in terms of prosperity.

Asiaweek's December 2000 edition mentioned that Singapore's per capita gross national product (GNP) was US$22,710 compared to Indonesia's $617. Singapore's foreign exchange reserves reached $78.1 billion, while Indonesia was only $28.3 billion.

Singapore, whose population is mostly Chinese, is surrounded by two predominantly Muslim countries, Malaysia and Indonesia.

But the major issue is more the gap in prosperity and colonial inheritances rather than religion.

Singapore is the most wealthy among the 10 members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). It has also showed impatience over the slow implementation of the ASEAN Free Trade Area by moving ahead with its Free Trade Agreements with the US and Japan and other industrialised countries.

This has also irritated its nearby friends.

All Indonesian presidents, with the exception of President Megawati Soekarnoputri, have had problems with Singapore.

When the financial crisis hit the region in 1997, Indonesian leaders pointed their fingers to money speculators in Singapore whom they believed were the source of the rupiah's fall.

They also lambasted Singapore for its objection to disburse its $10 billion loan pledge to Indonesia. Singapore's argument that it should be responsible to use public money went unheard.

But how should Singapore react?

It cannot just turn a deaf ear while showing off its wealth. It often fails to show that it really has a heart and not just brains.

Their leaders are expected to be wiser and prove that they are also friends even in difficult times.
(This article by staff writer Kormelius Purba was published in Jakarta Post on July 19, 2002.)