Speaking
out
For the silent majority
What the Singaporean needs is more public debate of policies
harmful to him, particularly among establishment insiders.
By Seah Chiang Nee
May 31, 2008
AT A
time when troubled Singaporeans need more sympathetic elite
figures to voice their unhappy feelings against the government,
along comes the state’s retired top civil servant.
He is
70-year-old Ngiam Tong Dow, a prominent member of Singapore’s
founding generation, who has delivered a series of remarkably
biting messages for the leadership, young and old.
Singapore
is not known as a place where influential people openly
discuss government shortcomings, let alone criticise these.
Many
do not speak out even when they feel things are not going
right for fear of upsetting the leaders, particularly Minister
Mentor Lee Kuan Yew.
An exception
was Ngiam, who said in a recent dialogue that most of today’s
younger ministers come from well-to-do or upper-class families.
“So
they 'really do not know' the impact of, say, a policy such
as a 10-cent bus fare rise on ordinary families,”
he said.
“If
you’re from a poor family like my generation, you’ll
know very well (the impact) if the bus fare goes up by 10
cents, multiply by three or four times, 50 cents for the
whole family.”
His
suggestion: top civil servants should first start by doing
‘nitty-gritty’ work on the ground before being
slotted to make policies.
On a
previous occasion he warned against bureaucratic inertia.
“The
greatest danger is we are flying on auto-pilot. What was
once a great policy, we just carry on with more of the same,
until reality intervenes,” he noted.
Then
arrogance! “There is also a particular brand of Singapore
elite arrogance creeping in,” he said. “Some
civil servants behave like they have a mandate from the
emperor. We think we are little Lee Kuan Yews (without earning
our spurs).”
Ngiam
speaks with the knowledge of an insider. He has served in
the elite Singapore Administrative Service for more than
40 years, and played a major role in transforming Singapore
into a textbook case in development economics.
A lesser
mover is Tan Kin Lian, the former chief of Income, the insurance
arm of the official National Trade Unions Congress.
Tan
used his web-blog to campaign against his former company’s
move to restructure bonus payouts for life policies that
works against holders.
And
two years ago, Lee Kuan Yew’s daughter Associate Professor
Lee Wei Ling went public to criticise Singapore’s
multi-billion dollar biomedical research strategy as being
badly misdirected.
It was
spending large sums on cancer, heart disease and stem cells,
with the setting up state-of-the art laboratories and pulling
in top brains from around the world.
Lee,
who is Director of the National Neuroscience Institute,
said it was pointless to compete with the top Western research
centres doing the same thing with bigger budgets and longer
experience.
Instead,
she said, Singapore should concentrate on niche areas with
relevance to Asia, like hepatitis and head injuries.
When
the government rejected her call, Lee vowed to carry on
her fight for change. “We’re talking about billions
of dollars in taxpayers’ money,” she said. “I
will not let this mistake continue.”
It was
a rare public debate of top policy-makers. Few, however,
believe that Lee’s daughter will get into trouble
for speaking her mind.
Most
other disagreements within the establishment are almost
always kept within the four walls, away from the public.
What
the average Singaporean wants is more licence for public
debate of policies harmful to him – particularly among
establishment figures.
There
has, however, been a gradual opening up in the past decade.
To the
younger citizens, however, Singapore’s “soft
authoritarianism” is less than what they want or what
a creative modern city should be.
All
these years the ruling People’s Action Party and the
civil service have laid claims – through super high
salaries – to some of the state’s best educated.
The
majority settle into their careers without wanting to rock
the boat, even when they disagree with a government policy.
In the
course of the years, however, there had been a few exceptions
of outspoken government people.
Three
years ago, East Coast MP Tan Soo Khoon accused the government
of waste in spending billions to build new luxurious buildings,
which he termed the “Seven Wonders of Singapore”.
Likening
seven new lavish offices to five-star hotels, Tan asked
whether these ministries and statutory boards were competing
to see “which can be better than the Four Seasons
Hotel”.
During
the years of strong growth, money was easy to come by and
it was easy to spend. “Only now, when it has become
difficult, we begin to sit up and take notice,” Tan
chided the government.
In the
2006 election, 33% of the votes went to the opposition,
but it managed to win only two seats – or 2.4% –
of the 84 seats in Parliament.
With
such a lop-sided representation, it is imperative that this
large opposition bloc has public figures to speak up for
them outside the realm of politics.
Being
from the inside, retired or current members of the government
are best suited to contribute meaningful discussions because
of their inside knowledge.
Ngiam’s
act of speaking out is widely admired. He says what many
Singaporeans want, if they could.
Asked
in an interview whether Singapore would survive Lee Kuan
Yew, he said, “Yes, provided he leaves behind the
right legacy.”
And
what is that? Ngiam was asked.
“It’s
for him to say, but I, a blooming upstart, dare to suggest
to him that we should open up politically and allow talent
to be spread throughout our society so that an alternative
leadership can emerge,” he replied.
(This
was first published in The Star, Malaysia on May 31, 2008)