Furore
Over upgrading threat
Wittingly or not, PAP has moved election debate to an area
it can't win. By Seah Chiang Nee
Apr 2, 2006
ELECTION
a la Singapore, already unique in some ways, is taking on
new characteristics that show up a state in transition.
With
general elections only months away, it is easy to predict
another easy victory – its 10th since independence
– for the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP).
But
it is also easy to sense a rise in public dissatisfaction,
even anger that could erode support for it.
There’s
a wind of change across Singapore that makes its margin
of win unpredictable. It is blowing from an emerging number
of voters who are not impressed – and may even be
resentful – of the way Singapore is being run.
After
40 years of unbroken rule, in which the government exercises
tight control on many aspects of life, it is hardly surprising.
The
PAP has responded partly by some social loosening up and
a mixed use of sticks-and-carrots to maintain its hold on
power. Some of these measures are unprecedented.
In fact,
the party has pulled out all the resources under its influence
to fight the election as though its survival is at stake.
The
public resentment, the government believes, stems from “heartlanders”
who are at the wrong end of a widening economic gap, in
which the rich gets richer and the poor are struggling to
earn a living.
As polling
day draws close, it is distributing S$2.6bil of “budget
surplus” to Singaporeans, with the bulk going to the
bottom 30% income earners. Leaders strenuously deny it is
aimed at winning votes.
Another
S$2bil is pledged to upgrade the “hot” constituencies
in which the opposition is strongest: all in all a powerful
financial package that is not easy to turn down.
Coincidentally,
electricity prices are also being lowered for April to June.
These
are a lot of dollars for tiny Singapore (total voters: 2.16
million), so whether intentional or not, the money is bound
to have an impact on the outcome.
These
measures seem out of step with the political realities in
a tightly regulated land for a party that holds 82 of Parliament’s
84 seats. This scale of domination is rarely, if at all,
known to democratic countries.
Lee
Hsien Loong, who is seeking his first mandate as Prime Minister,
is breaking two new grounds.
Firstly,
his pre-election “goodies” are given out in
cash, not just retirement savings top-ups or fee discounts
as before. His father Lee Kuan Yew had always frowned on
giving money to the public.
Secondly,
the gloves are off regarding the billions of dollars of
public-funded subsidies for estate upgrading. They will
not, it is now confirmed, be given to any constituency that
has an opposition MP.
In the
past, the policy was sugar-coated by promises that it would
be available to all of Singapore beginning with the oldest
estate, but with the opposition zones being last in the
queue.
The
person who made the unpopular announcement was Senior Minister
Goh Chok Tong, renowned for his open, friendly disposition.
He was
sent in to recapture the two opposition seats, Hougang and
Potong Pasir, and give the PAP a 100% legislative control.
All
this is giving the impression that the ruling party is,
a little nervously, expecting a tough fight.
In his
first visits there last week, Goh temporarily put aside
his smiles to play hardball politics that may have done
more harm than good to his party’s cause.
He warned
voters of the penalty of voting opposition. “I do
not want the two constituencies to be left behind, especially
Potong Pasir, an old estate.
"Five
years down the road, assuming (opposition) does win, there
will be no upgrading.”
The
result was a public furore – and a more divided society.
It has,
wittingly or not, moved an election debate to an area that
the ruling party has always shunned because it cannot possibly
win.
The
overwhelming feeling is that upgrading uses public money,
which should be used equally for all Singaporeans and not
to blackmail voters for one party’s gain.
Reactions
were predictably strong, ranging from “nauseating”,
“Mafia election”, “an unbecoming trick”,
“what a letdown!” to a warning to the PAP to,
“threaten at your peril”.
“If
people give in to this, it will be a sad day for Singapore,”
said another letter. “It is downright low in characters
(sic) that our Ministers had to resort to this to win votes.”
Goh
also tossed out a corny idea to help the two PAP candidates
win. He would ask the Prime Minister to lift the party whip
from them to allow them to function as opposition.
It could
have been done at the spur of the moment, not realising
the consequences of creating a new class of PAP MPs –
and by extension their constituents – with special
rights.
The
impact could be a whole lot of unhappy PAP representatives
– and their voters – who are under the whip.
Unsurprisingly, an embarrassed Goh withdrew the offer a
day later.
But
the biggest potential harm lies in his bare-knuckle threat
to withhold public upgrading funds from opposition wards.
It hasn’t gone down well even among Singaporeans who
support the government.
“The
PAP has history and talent on its side,” observed
Seto Hann Hoi in the Straits Times. “It does not need
to use (this) as a political tool to win votes.”
It remains
to be seen how the party hierarchy evaluates the public
feeling. If it is really bad, would it ask Goh to retract
it as well?
(Article
was first published in The Sunday Star)