Qutting
Five years later .. probably
Winds of politics change as Lee Kuan Yew talks of final
term, but first an election battle. By Seah Chiang Nee.
Jan 29, 2006
AT a
time when the face of politics in Singapore is changing,
its 82-year-old founding father is finally preparing to
concede to an unstoppable foe, the process of ageing - but
not for now.
Minister
Mentor Lee Kuan Yew has said the next five years could be
his last term in Parliament.
He would
stand in the coming election for another five-year term
at the end of which, at 87 or 88, he said he might be too
"decrepit" to continue.
"I'm not as active as before; but enough to fight an
election," Lee told local reporters in Qatar.
His
announcement to stay on has evoked strong and mixed reaction
from some Singaporeans.
Lee retains his base of support among older citizens who
had lived through the chaotic past and benefited from the
better life. Fearful that things will go wrong if Lee is
not around, they would likely be relieved by his decision.
This base, however, is shrinking over time and natural attrition;
the longer Lee and his People's Action Party (PAP) remain
in power, the more this group will shrink.
This, however, does not mean the new generation that is
taking over is automatically rejecting them, but the support
is no longer unquestioning.
The younger, liberal-minded and Internet-savvy Singaporeans
do not feel beholden or bonded to them the way their parents
did.
Some are critical of government policies, both past and
present, and want Lee to retire now so that Singaporeans
can have "a freer life".
The reaction of the majority, however, is a quiet one, a
sense of the inevitable, believing that like it or not,
there's nothing they can do.
One
letter writer summed it up: "I respect the man for
his contributions over the years. But I seriously think
he should step down now so he can enjoy his retirement years."
Another said on the Internet: "He would have commanded
more respect if he bowed out a long time ago, but unfortunately
he did not."
Others believe that Lee, who towers over the others, is
needed to help guide Singapore through these critical, even
dangerous, times.
Lee has long distanced himself from the day-to-day running
of the government but he still wields tremendous power over
the country. His last term will see a greater wind of change
across the land.
It is caused in part by changing demographics, the emergence
of younger voters with very high expectations and who are
harder to please, and partly by an increasingly tough and
competitive world.
With Lee starting his countdown to retirement - albeit years
away - Singapore's political opposition, which had been
relatively quiet and dormant, may begin a revival.
Lee had anticipated more qualified Singaporeans joining
opposition parties to challenge the PAP after he's gone.
Quite a few qualified people have recently trickled into
the Workers Party, Singapore's oldest and largest opposition
(formed in 1957) to contest the polls. In the years ahead,
the number is likely to increase.
So far, opposition resources remain weak. In the 2001 election,
for example, it could compete in only 29 of the 84 seats.
It won two, pulling only 25% of the popular votes.
Speculation abounds as to why Lee is keen to remain in control.
One theory is that he first wants to see the 18-month-old
leadership under Lee Hsien Loong firmly settled in.
The first priority: To ensure that he gets a strong mandate.
Lee's presence is assuring to the younger leaders as the
PAP faces one of the strongest election challenges for decades.
Lee may be reluctant to let go for fear that if he does,
the Singapore that he helped to create will slide. This
partly stems from the fact that he has such a high assessment
of good leadership that few people can fit in.
"This means that he will always have nagging concerns
about his successors or a post-Kuan Yew Singapore not making
it," said an old timer.
"The fear may be overblown to others but because of
his role in creating much of today's Singapore, it is understandable."
Since the late 80s, Lee had become less uptight and more
relaxed compared to his "head-breaking" days as
signs of progress began to show. He retains this sense of
humour today.
At Qatar, he quipped "You're keen to see me pack off
and go? In that case I'm going to disappoint you."
He sees the need to free up on Singapore so that it can
become a creative world city, but the steps taken have been
relatively few and small - insufficient to make a major
impact.
The general thinking is that as long as he remains in the
government, the Lee Kuan Yew era looks set to continue,
irrespective of who the prime minister is.
His mere presence in the Cabinet will tell Singaporeans
they can expect no major political change within the ruling
party. Everything will be played according to what is set
out - at least for a few more years.
Jon
Huer, a professor of sociology (University of Maryland University
College Asia), said the post-Lee era is fraught with uncertainty.
"After Lee dies, Singaporean stability and dynamism
may encounter turbulence, as Lee's larger-than-life dominance
of Singapore may leave a void that no successor can fill.
"That means trouble. Voices demanding change may rise,
and the harmony and peace among different ethnic groups
that are so uniquely Singaporean may shatter.
(This article was published in The Sunday Star)