Social
compact
Becoming unworkable
Two foreigners comment on Singapore politics; adding on
local pressure on Lee Hsien Loong. By Seah Chiang Nee.
Oct 24, 2005
FOR
many years, Singaporeans have showed little interest in
politics, preferring to leave matters to the government
as long as it gives them a good life.
The ruling People's Action Party (PAP) called it "the
social compact" and it worked like this: The government
has a duty to provide jobs and govern well; if it succeeds,
it is the citizens' duty to vote for it.
If it
fails, then the people have the right to choose another.
Based
on Confucianism, it was enunciated by Lee Kuan Yew and largely
supported by the people in the years when Singapore's economic
growth faced few problems.
At the
time, the government was superb and it delivered, year after
year.
Then the world economy changed with the emergence of China
and India, and Singapore began to stagnate and was overtaken
by many better-endowed nations.
Globalisation
has made it impossible for Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong
to rely on the same "social compact" to rule.
No government can guarantee jobs.
At the
same time, the voters, too, have changed, and so has the
PAP.
In recent
years as the rich-poor gap widened and unemployment rose,
murmurings of hardship by citizens (especially those above
40) have become shriller.
Now that general elections are a year or possibly months
away, the political temperature has risen and the government
is more willing to crack down on any "threats"
to orderliness.
Last
week, the political excitement rose by a few degrees when
two important foreign commentators joined the debate.
The
ambassador of the United States, Singapore's strategic ally,
delivered one of its occasional admonitions against the
city-state's limits on political expression.
In his
departure speech, Franklin L. Lavin said governments would
pay an increasing price for failing to give citizens freedom
of choice and expression. It was posted on the embassy website.
At the
same time, one of Britain's top 10 universities announced
it would scrap plans to set up a campus in Singapore because
of concerns about academic freedom.
The
decision by the University of Warwick council dealt a blow
to the city-state's ambitions to attract more foreign students.
Singapore
requires international educational institutions operating
in the city-state to agree not to conduct activities seen
as interference in domestic affairs. Local universities
are also under scrutiny.
Thio
Li-ann, a Singapore law professor who drew up an advisory
report for Warwick University, had warned "the government
will intervene if academic reports cast a negative light
on their policies".
It is
the first time that a foreign university has refused to
meet government conditions.
Singapore is already home to several foreign campuses, French
business school INSEAD, the University of Chicago Graduate
School of Business, and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
It aims to double the number of international students to
150,000 by 2015 as part of a strategy to reduce its reliance
on manufacturing.
Warwick
and Australia's University of New South Wales were the only
two foreign universities selected by Singapore's Economic
Development Board to set up a full-scale campus, which can
award undergraduate degrees.
But
it was the American ambassador's remarks that raised excitement
here.
"Singapore has flourished over the past 40 years, but
is a 20th century model adequate for the 21st century?"
Lavin asked.
"Remaking
(Singapore's) economy is, in a sense, the easy decision.
Shaping a political system to reflect the needs and aspirations
of its citizens is more difficult and more sensitive,"
he added.
His
remarks are not surprising given America's policies on human
rights. Liberal Singaporeans cheer them but PAP supporters
find them undiplomatic and interfering.
He said
it was surprising to find what he called constraints on
discussions given Singapore's strong international links.
"In
this era of weblogs and webcams, how much sense does it
make to limit political expression?" Lavin added.
PM Lee recently ruled out adopting a Western liberal democracy
with a multi-party system in the next 20 years, saying that
it was unsuitable for the country.
Neither the American nor the British message will have any
impact on politics here. Nevertheless, it is a blow to Singapore's
ambition to attract global talent to become a great global
city.
When he became Prime Minister a little over a year ago,
Lee promised a freer, inclusive society, but critics say
there has not been any real movement towards it.
On the coming election, Lee said he expected to win a strong
mandate although his party could perform less well compared
to 2001. People who know him say that he is sincere in wanting
to open up gradually.
Some observers say he leads the right place at the wrong
time, having taken charge when Singapore is going through
a painful transition.
For its long-term survival, the city's declining domestic
population needs desperately to be topped up by a large
influx of foreigners, but this is under attack by Singaporeans
who have lost jobs.
Lee
is sandwiched by two groups of unhappy voters. The biggest
are unhappy "heartlanders" in the housing estates
who are struggling with a lower standard of living, unemployment
and rising costs.
These
"bread-and-butter" worriers outnumber the second
group: young Singaporeans who want greater personal liberties
and a freer press.
Online petitions demanding more "human rights"
have so far attracted relatively less interest.
The government's strong point, however, remains its ability
to convince the majority of Singaporeans that it can generally
govern well and provide efficient services.
This will probably sweep them back into power again.
(This article was published in The Sunday Star on Oct
23, 2005)