Election 2001
Resetting history
In an economic crisis, the ruling party has reset history, winning back the 12.4% votes lost in 1984.
Nov 4, 2001

After the third or fourth result was read out, Singaporeans had begun to get the feeling that history was in the air.

Old-timers who lived through elections in the 70s sensed the déjà vu.

In those days, People’s Action Party PAP) candidates frequently, one after another, were demolishing their opponents, hitting 75-80 per cent.

In many wards the same story was unfolding last night.

It soon became clear that the PAP, with its slate of young, exciting faces (and the largest number of female candidates in history) had won over the nation’s new voters.

Some of the candidates came across as people who are prepared to speak their minds.

The women candidates, I believe, played a big role in pulling in women voters, who are better educated and independent-minded.

The youth of the 25 new PAP candidates made a difference.

Take for example, a family of four that I know living in Sennett Estate (Potong Pasir Constituency.)

The father and mother in their 50s said they would vote for opposition Mr. Chiam See Tong but their two children, both local under-graduates and voting for the first time preferred the ruling party.

Fifteen years ago, the situation would have reversed, the parents voting government and the children, the opposition.)

When the announcements ended, the PAP had garnered 75.3 per cent of the contested votes, winning 82 seats in the 84-member Parliament.

Surprisingly, it had pulled back the 12.4 per cent swing towards the opposition in the 1984 general election from 75.3 to 62.9%.)

This lost ground was never recovered (1997: it was 63.5 per cent) – until last night.

Only 29 seats (from the opposition’s point, the PAP’s weakest) were contested but the extent of the swing appears to have surprised Singaporeans, including the ruling party itself.

In its main article (Election – what we think) Littlespeck.com had reported a day before the campaign started:

"Seldom has the opposition faced a tougher election than now. Even its two seats are under pressure like never before. But a 100% win is a long shot – and not good for the ruling party."

The conditions that spelled gloom for the nation evidently helped bring down the opposition.

"I did not expect the whole opposition to have fared so low," said opposition Singapore Democratic Party leader Dr. Chee Soon Juan.

People were trekking to the polling stations deeply worried about poor business, spiralling unemployment and fear of regional instability. Few voters were keen to be adventurous about their votes.

Our web-site was more concerned about a swing so great that it will sweep away the two opposition leaders.

It a time when a joint, cohesive national approach to resolving a grave crisis, it felt that a 100% PAP victory was bad for the nation and even for the ruling party itself.

It needs the participation of every one, especially the opposition members of Parliament to contribute.

A 100% demolition of the opposition would, I am sure, bring out a backlash in the next election in 2007 from voters who want an opposition to check the government.

Another sweetener for the PAP was its S$11.3 billion stimulus-and-rescue package to Singaporeans, the bulk of it going to the poorer, elderly less-educated class – and the newly unemployed.

Voters are still counting their cash-shares when the election campaign started.

There was a popular issue – the influx of foreign white-collar workers at a time when 25,000 jobs may be lost this year (15,000 in 2002.)

The omni-presence every day of the two top men – Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong and Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew - and what they said played a crucial role.

Firstly, they came across as statesmen frequently for the first time, praising the quality and contribution of several opposition figures. That was taken well by the voters.

On one occasion, Mr. Goh was heaping praises on an opposition candidate (he lost) when he suddenly stopped and said: "I’d better start talking about my candidate. I’m here to campaign for him."

It may well be the likable Mr. Goh’s last hurrah.

By the time when the next election comes around in 2007 he will probably have stepped down as Prime Minister.

His photograph hangs in every ward under contest.

His strategy to put his 11-year record as Prime Minister for judgement in this election was – as it turned out – a good strategy. He is popular even among opposition supporters.

Silvery-haired Mr. Lee, 77, energetically romped the ground to let his message of a Singapore under siege sink in on the new generation, which has been raised in crisis-free environment.

Mr. Goh returned again and again to jobs..jobs..jobs, saying this was Singapore’s most challenging task.

The fractious opposition, shell-shocked and dejected, will need several years to recruit, regroup and recoup to challenge the mighty party again.

In the end it did not need all the help it gathered in the forms of five or multi-seat constituencies and the threat of no estate-upgrading and no kindergartens for opposition wards to win.

Even if all the contests had been for single seats without threats he ruling party would have won hands down.

Will this winning formula be repeated in 2007? The answer must be "no." The world will have moved on – for better or for worse.

Seah Chiang Nee