Singapore's
New Culture
Emerging: A sub-community of cynical, restive youths who engage each other and paying scant interest in what the government says. By Seah Chiang Nee.
Sep 27, 2008

YEARS of top-down government has produced a sub-culture among people who interact mostly with each other and pay little interest to what the government says.

It is part of Singapore’s new diverse world, but to the ruling party, which is used to getting things its way, they are like the proverbial lost flock that has wandered afield.

The sub-community, however, doesn’t see itself as society’s outsider, but as part of a new force working with the Internet for social and political change.

It is relatively small, but its influence extends far beyond its numbers, and it is expanding.

Concerned political leaders have been striving — without much success — to bring them back to the mainstream by gradually relaxing controls on social life and public expression.

These young Singaporeans — restive, sophisticated and cynical — feel disenchanted about the current political system and of being left out of nation-building decisions.

“They feel they don’t have a say; the press has no space for them, and the government often talks down to them, so they work with the only channel available to them — the Internet — and among each other,” explained a media consultant.

This sub-community meets on the Net, paying little attention to the government’s exhortations.

And as more unpopular policies come into force, their postings attract more people into their fold.

However, it lacks the power to change the system since it doesn’t reach the non-English speaking heartland masses.

The success of the digital activists lies in their ability to draw in — albeit slowly — apathetic professionals and students, who now begin to talk the same language.

Over time, they have switched off on government statements, and don’t care much about Cabinet changes and Parliament proceedings — unless these impact on their personal lives.

Many don’t know the names of their constituency Members of Parliament or even Cabinet ministers. Instead, they hanker after the unreported news about opposition figures and activities.

Singapore is beginning to look like two distinct communities.

One is the large mainstream, which relies on the government and the traditional media to provide them the news and direction, and a small virtual sub-group of unhappy Singaporeans who get their information through interaction with each other.

The perception that Singapore’s newspapers are too controlled to be credible may have driven more young Singaporeans towards the Web.

Other democratic countries, too, are experiencing this division but less severely than here because of the perception that there is too much “government propaganda” in the Singapore media.

Unlike governments that crack down on Internet dissidents or close down websites, the PAP government is — as it usually does — adopting a middle line.

It’s a policy of joining what one cannot beat.

Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong recently took steps to “give Singaporeans space to let off steam”, including lifting a ban on public demonstrations.

“Our old rules are way, way out of date. It means we have to change to new rules, liberalise to allow people to participate more actively and flexibly,” Lee said.

Speakers Corner at Hong Lim Park, an ineffective critics’ area for speech-making (loudspeakers not allowed), could now be used to hold protests. Only race and religion are forbidden.

Since Sept 1, it has been the scene of half a dozen small and well managed protests, including one organised by Singapore’s known bloggers.

Participants need not apply for a permit from the police, only from the National Parks Board, to indicate its non-controlled nature.

The Prime Minister also lifted some restrictions on political dissent in cyberspace.

Several banned political films have been released; in future such films will not be automatically banned but subject to general censorship, where the criteria are easier.

In addition, a ban on political blogging during the nine-day election campaign period has been lifted.

These signal the ruling People’s Action Party’s intention to move into multimedia — including use of weblogs, podcasts and vodcasts — to fight its battles and, if possible, to win back some of the disenchanted Netizens.

The survival of the PAP, which has ruled Singapore since independence 43 years ago, depends on its winning the hearts and minds of the post-65 tech-savvy generation, which can’t be done with arrests and censorship.

Singapore’s renowned author Catherine Lim appears doubtful it will truly open up the country.

“Such a unique development, as close to a political renaissance as is possible in Singapore, should have elicited no less a response than jubilation from the people,” she commented.

“But so far, oddly, there is none. So far, there is no enthusiastic welcoming of the winds of change, no eager looking forward to a new political future.”

Penang-born Lim sees it as a shrewd balancing act, both to reassure the people and to warn off the critics who stray beyond the boundaries set.

Her views find ready support in blogosphere. The SS wrote: “This ‘lightening up’ is nothing more than throwing scraps to the citizenry to nibble upon.

“They will not change their model of governance, if at all, at least until after the grand old man (Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew) is gone.”

wayangparty said: “The PAP is definitely smarter. Instead of arresting bloggers under the Internal Security Act, it plants moles in cyberspace to have a voice there.”

The general consensus: It’s a positive move but it doesn’t signify any change in the PAP mindset, which can only come after Lee Senior has made his exit.

That could mean Singapore’s sub-community of young dissenters will remain - and grow.

(This was originally published in The Star)